Maria Lourdes Sereno, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines. Photo by: Ramon FVelasquez.[/caption]
In the Philippine context, this is not the first time that judicial independence has been undermined.
In the years leading to the dark years of the Marcos conjugal dictatorship, former strongman Ferdinand Marcos consolidated the military and the police before he declared the imposition of martial law. He then clamped on the legislative and the Supreme Court, which, was by then packed with his appointees who lamely bowed to him and later legitimized his authoritarian rule.
Luis Teodoro, former dean of the University of the Philippines’ College of Mass Communication and a long-time progressive journalist, noted in his weekly column that justices during the first year of the Marcos dictatorship also refused to rule on the legality of the arrest and detention of known opposition leaders and scores of activists and journalists.
Once Again, Judicial Independence is Under Siege in Philippines
Janess Ann Ellao
April 23, 2018

MANILA, Philippines (ViaNews) - Just recently, various groups of lawyers here in Manila have sought the intervention of the United Nations to look into the attacks on judicial independence as no less than the tough-talking Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte has publicly joined the fray in the present moves to unseat the chief justice. Critics have long argued that the removal of the Chief Justice is a part of a concerted effort that will lead to a dictatorial rule.
“I will punch you. I will help any investigator. I will really punch you. So I’m putting you on notice that I am now your enemy and you have to out of the Supreme Court,” said President Duterte, in an obvious response to Chief Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno’s April 9 Valor Day speech, where she questioned the so-called powers-that-be behind the ouster moves against her.
While this is President Duterte’s first public pronouncement calling for the ouster of Chief Justice Sereno, the latter has been seemingly battling against nearly the entire might of the state, including her very own colleagues in the Supreme Court who testified in the impeachment charges filed before the House of Representatives last year. Now she is presently facing a controversial quo warranto petition filed by the Solicitor General early 2018.
But what does the ousting of the present Chief Justice really mean for the Philippines?
The unseating of the Chief Justice, according to critics like the progressive group Bayan, would allow President Duterte to “appoint a CJ (chief justice) who will tow the line of the administration,” given Sereno’s vote against the president’s pet issues such as the imposition of martial law in Mindanao and the heroes’ burial of the late strongman Marcos.
[caption id="attachment_4022" align="aligncenter" width="696"]
Maria Lourdes Sereno, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines. Photo by: Ramon FVelasquez.[/caption]
In the Philippine context, this is not the first time that judicial independence has been undermined.
In the years leading to the dark years of the Marcos conjugal dictatorship, former strongman Ferdinand Marcos consolidated the military and the police before he declared the imposition of martial law. He then clamped on the legislative and the Supreme Court, which, was by then packed with his appointees who lamely bowed to him and later legitimized his authoritarian rule.
Luis Teodoro, former dean of the University of the Philippines’ College of Mass Communication and a long-time progressive journalist, noted in his weekly column that justices during the first year of the Marcos dictatorship also refused to rule on the legality of the arrest and detention of known opposition leaders and scores of activists and journalists.
Maria Lourdes Sereno, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines. Photo by: Ramon FVelasquez.[/caption]
In the Philippine context, this is not the first time that judicial independence has been undermined.
In the years leading to the dark years of the Marcos conjugal dictatorship, former strongman Ferdinand Marcos consolidated the military and the police before he declared the imposition of martial law. He then clamped on the legislative and the Supreme Court, which, was by then packed with his appointees who lamely bowed to him and later legitimized his authoritarian rule.
Luis Teodoro, former dean of the University of the Philippines’ College of Mass Communication and a long-time progressive journalist, noted in his weekly column that justices during the first year of the Marcos dictatorship also refused to rule on the legality of the arrest and detention of known opposition leaders and scores of activists and journalists.
